What characterizes the New Right?
The term “New Right” has become a collective label for a modernization movement within the far right that began in the 1960s. After the defeat of National Socialism, the far right sought new approaches to discourse and strategy. Leaders of the movement moved away from focusing solely on political parties and reinvigorated the concept of conservatism with fresh ideas: for most followers of the New Right, Nationalism is an important element. They oppose the “Westernization” of Germany, arguing that national consciousness is being eroded through a “character washing” imposed by the United States. The New Right aims to curb and reverse processes of democratization and liberalization. This means it actively defends inequality and legitimizes racism and sexism – key factors in its appeal to many.
The majority of the New Right consists of right-wing intellectuals who work to undermine the democratic public from within. At times, militant groups, which often endorse and support political violence, also play a role. However, members of the New Right do not usually themselves exercise violence. They focus more on shaping awareness. After all, you need cadres that can craft terminology and frame an ideology in ways that gain broader acceptance.
Your dissertation examines the relationship of the New Right to Islam. How did you research this?
In my dissertation, I analyze the journal Criticón, which was published between 1970 and 2005. Although the journal described itself as conservative, it also included some extremist right-wing voices. I examine its contributions on Islam and on countries that are either majority-Muslim or perceived as such in Germany. I look at the specific positions but also the broader ideological framework into which the articles were integrated. That’s why I also researched the key figures who founded the journal in 1970: Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing and Armin Mohler. The New Right Library of Conservatism on Fasanenstraße in Berlin provided access to parts of Caspar von Schrenck-Notzing’s estate. Coming from a Munich patrician family, Schrenck-Notzing was essentially a man of independent means with a beautiful house on Lake Starnberg. At the literature archive in Marbach, I learned more about Armin Mohler, a central figure of the New Right who completed his PhD in 1950 on the so-called “Conservative Revolution” of the Weimar Republic and later served as an advisor and speechwriter for the CSU politician Franz Josef Strauß.
What did you find out – what kind of relationship to Islam emerged in Criticón?
Essentially, the question of national identity after 1945 was negotiated here. I was able to identify several distinct phases in how Islam was addressed. In the 1970s, the idea dominated among the New Right that Germany was being colonized and dominagted. The New Right positioned themselves between East and West, remaining highly ambivalent. In this view, authoritarian states such as Iran were seen as offering models of a ‘third way.’ To this day, very different positions on Iran coexist.
In the 1990s, migration began to take on a central role in discussions about Islam. Back then, immigration from South-West Asia increasingly came to be perceived as Muslim. A marked ambivalence is evident here, which is characteristic of the New Right: on the one hand, they claimed that the original character of the German people was being eroded. On the other hand, many immigrants were seen as possessing a “stronger sense of identity” than native Germans. This reveals a combination of hostility and admiration. A distinctly anti-Muslim stance only emerged in the early 2000s. While racism against migrants had, of course, existed before, it was rarely framed explicitly in anti-Islamic terms.
What is the New Right’s view on Islam today?
Many on the right claim they have no issue with Islam – as long as it remains elsewhere. This perspective has been shaped by historic alliances and military cooperation between Berlin and the Ottoman Empire dating back to the 18th century. The National Socialists also propagated pro-Islamic rhetoric and collaborated with prominent Muslim politicians. Islam was thought of as a potential ally against the Western allies, the Soviet Union, Judaism, and Zionism.
In right-intellectual circles today, some argue they feel a closer affinity to devout Muslims than to many Germans. Others take this further: they believe that tolerating Muslim migrants is imperative given that these are not going to leave the country. Such a perspective combines a geopolitical outlook – which sees Islamic regimes and conservative Islamic countries as potential partners – with a domestic one: migrants and natives should coexist side by side but not integrate. This reveals ideological connections to Germany’s second-largest right-wing extremist organization, the Grey Wolves. Founded in Turkey in 1968, the organization’s establishment in the Federal Republic was supported by Franz Josef Strauß. For some in the New Right, the “New German people” could even include authoritarian Muslims. This view is championed by the right-wing extremist author Frederic Höfer in his book Feindbild Islam als Sackgasse (Bogeyman Islam as a Dead End), which sparked significant controversy over Islam within the New Right.
In terms of foreign policy, the New Right exhibits even fewer reservations: Maximilian Krah, the AfD candidate for the European Parliament, openly celebrated the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan and its establishment of a brutal regime shortly after Pride Month. The AfD maintains ties with the Assad regime in Syria and the Islamic Republic of Iran – regimes that have significantly contributed to the refugee movements toward Europe. Ideologically, the AfD aligns with nationalism, antifeminism, and antisemitism. The party’s ostensibly pro-Israel stance proves inconsistent upon closer scrutiny.
There’s ongoing debate within the New Right about how to approach Islam. However, its members are united in their rejection of the liberal mainstream. They definitely do not want to align themselves with the LGBTQ+ community and critique Islam in the name of liberal values.
How close are the AfD and the New Right?
They are not identical, but they share close personnel and intellectual ties. Central hubs of the New Right include the journal Sezession, the newspaper Junge Freiheit, the Library of Conservatism, and the recently dissolved Institute for State Policy. These institutions have also become think tanks and discussion platforms for the AfD. The New Right has provided the party with both ideas and personnel. Many individuals who once organized or attended seminars at the Institute for State Policy now work for the AfD in the Bundestag. For a long time, the New Right operated on the fringes, but with a financially robust party apparatus, they have been able to transform their ideas into policies. Even participation in government is now within reach – a political subculture has become part of mainstream political culture.
Many people heard the term “remigration” for the first time this year. Can you contextualize this term?
“The great replacement” is a central narrative within the New Right and the AfD. According to this migration conspiracy theory, the white population of Europe is being replaced. Liberal elites – referred to as the “rainbow empire” – are, according to this theory, orchestrating migration flows into the EU to replace its native population. The term can be traced back to French author Renaud Camus, a key figure in the Identitarian Movement. “Remigration” is the violent response to this alleged replacement. In right-wing circles, it is often said: “We are in favor of difference and cultural diversity – but between nations, not within a country.” They are instead for “ethnopluralism,” which may sound like peaceful multiculturalism but is actually code for global apartheid and racist mass expulsions. Democratically-minded people must question whether the terms they use are precise enough in light of such discourse manipulation. Concepts like pluralism and diversity are easily appropriated by the far right.
What can be expected from the New Right in the future?
Significant harm at the expense of others. It is possible that the AfD and the New Right will continue to pursue the maximalist strategy of ethnic cleansing, which was discussed in Potsdam. There is also the possibility that the right-wing camp will increasingly reach out to right-wing post-migrant groups, including conservative and right-wing nationalist Muslims. Further rapprochement with Iran, Russia, and China is also conceivable. The Christian “Occident,” which was a key rallying point a few years ago, is unlikely to play a central role: Most within the New Right know that you cannot build a German nationalist community on Christianity alone.
Matheus Hagedorny studied Philosophy, Modern History, Constitutional, Social, and Economic History in Bonn. He is currently pursuing his doctorate under the supervision of right-wing extremism expert Prof. Gideon Botsch at the Moses Mendelssohn Center for European-Jewish Studies at the University of Potsdam, and Prof. Lars Rensmann at the University of Passau.